NEPAL'S Madhesi Movement: Against Khas Chauvinism?

"We Madhesis joined CPN (Maoist) believing that CPN (Maoist) was a scientific Marxist party. Many of us worked honestly as per the party's policy and direction. However, we found discrimination inside the party. We used to send People’s Liberation Army of our areas, but they would be bothered unnecessarily. There was discrimination from Pahade to Madhesi. We were unsatisfied with such domination. We said that since we are Madhesi fighters, Madhesi shall be an in-charge and a Madhesi regiment shall be established following party’s vision for Madhes. As some responsible Maoists termed it was dangerous to establish a Madhesi regiment separately in Tarai area, we left the party and are fighting for the liberation of Madhesis against the discrimination and exploitation of Pahade led executive, judiciary, legislature and bureaucracy."
Anonymous ex-Maoist leader
Madhes (Tarai) is derived from Sanskrit Madhya Desh (Middle Land) ranging from southern foothills of Himalaya to Northern foothills of Bindhaychal Mountains that covers Nepal and north-central India. The present Madhes, the southern plains of Nepal, covers 34,109 sq. km. that accounts 23% of topography and comprises 48.4% population in 20 districts, including all castes, ethnicities and Dalits migrated from hills and mountains along with Madhesis. The porous border with India runs two-thirds of the total 1,753 km, to the east, west and south. When Prithvi Narayan Shah started his concurs the southern plains were annexed, after the Sugauli Treaty with the British on 1816, the present borders were sketched and the land in western part including Banke and Bardiya were gifted by the British on 1857 after Nepal sent army to quench Sepoy mutiny in India.
Nepal is a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious country. People of Nepal are socio-cultural portioned along the lines of caste (jat descent) and Janajati (ethnicities and indigenous) in both hill/mountains and Madhes or Tarai regions. The deep cultural pluralism of Nepal consists of at least 61 castes, sub-castes, ethnic and sub-ethnic groups[1]. There are about 103 socio-cultural groups - caste, ethnic and religion population, 90 languages and 10 religious communities[2]. Professor Tej Ratna Kanskar advocates for 141 linguistic groups, but, Armit Yonjan, language expert, differs with 112 groups[3]. The National Committee of Nationalities enlisted 59 distinct groups within Janajatis, and the Dalit Commission listed 28 cultural groups within Dalits, of which Madhesi Dalits consist of 18, Pahade 5 and Newar Dalits 5[4]. According to census 2001, 41 ethnicities/Janajati live in hills/mountains, whereas 18 in Madhes.
The 2001 census identified for group population 57.5%, Janajatis for 37.2%, religious minorities for 4.3%, and other groups for the remaining 1% of total population. Madhesi consist of different caste hierarchy: Brahun, Rajput, Janajati and Dalits; including Muslims. Tharu, Dhimal Satar, Rajbanshi and quite a few other minorities are the indigenous groups living in Tarai (See Annex 1).
Madhes is burning and bleeding. Abductions, killings, retaliations, extortions, torture are headlines in each day. Quite a few violent and non-violent/armed groups are existing and some are being born in Madhes. Right to life, liberty, security and dignity are being more and more endangered. Till now there are 22 armed and non-armed groups are working in eastern and central Madhes. They are: Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF), Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Goit, Jwala Singh and Bisfot Singh factions), Janabadi Ganatantrik Mukti Morcha, Tarai Cobra (Naagraja), Defense Army, Tarai Army, National Army Nepal, Ulpha Group, Change Nepal, Nepal Gorkha Army and Madhesi Special Force. Similarly, others are: Madhesi Tigers, Taraibadi, Madhesi Mukti Force, Nepal Janatantrik Party, Madhesi Virus Cleaners, Madhes Mukti Tigers, Gorkha-Line Mukti Sena Samaj, CPN [Maoist (United Rebellion Front)], Far-Western Revolutionary Party and Chure-Bhawar Ekata Samaj (CBES).
The JTMM Goit and Jwala Singh factions are the most militant. Many see the Madhesi Movement as against Pahade, some see it as against Khas race, whereas some see it as a struggle for existence (because of their fight to finish amongst themselves). These groups active in nine – Morang, Sunsari, Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusa, Mahottari, Bara, Parsa and Rautahat – out of 20 districts, and are advancing as regionalist and secessionist forces in favor of Madhesis only. As a result, many Pahade officials/inhabitants of those districts have either left or gone underground. According to Kathmandu Post of August 5, 2007, more than 900 Pahade civil servants, including above 700 VDC secretaries and 200 staffs from Land Tax and Revenue Office and Inland Revenue Office, have vacated their offices. The Asian Development Bank has twice extended its huge projects for rural roads and livelihood, and consequently closed, due to lack of government employees in the districts.
After the peace accord, the Seven Party Alliance and the Maoists (SPAM) focused on political agendas, paying little attention to a federalism, autonomy, inclusion, proportionate representation and republican Nepal[5]. Many of these are advancing with demands for regional secession and their numbers are mushrooming. The CBES, as a counter-Madhesi movement operated by Khas particularly Bahun and Chhetri is also active as a regional force along the northern side of East-West highway bordering Madhes. As a result, the mobility of Madhesi in hills and mountains and Pahade in Madhes has virtually less or stopped. On the main problem of the Madhes, Jwala Sing of the JTMM said, "There are three main issues in the Nepal-occupied Tarai. The first is the suppression by authoritarian Pahadi sectarian state and colonial exploitation of Madhes and Madhesi. Second is class difference in the Tarai and third is difference among different caste groups."
Major Demands of organizations involved in Madhesi Movement: independent state – federal democratic republic; proportionate electorate system; end of internal colonization; regional autonomous governance system that includes right to self-determination; rights on the land, natural resources and biological diversity of Madhes; end racial and regional discrimination; Pahade civil servants and security forces leave Madhes; and provide citizenship certificates to all Madhesis without discrimination, etc (Annex II and III). The trend of movement is inflammatory which is aiming to promote communal harmony.
Major demands of CBES: District headquarters to be established in Chure-Bhabar (inner-tarai between Shivalik and Mahabharat ranges); independent state; special security to Pahade-origin dwellers in Madhes; withdrawal of cases of its nine cadres under trial; compensation to families of their cadres killed; an inquiry into loss of property and lives by Madhesis in Chure-Bhavar, etc.
1. Identity theory
After the decade of unification land acquisition in Madhes by the government adopted direct and indirect methods. As settlement in Madhes through forced labor (direct) failed and Indians across the border were promoted to settle as tenants (indirectly)[6]. In 1956, the Nepal Malaria Eradication Organization was founded and announced that Malaria was eradicated in Nepal, which led to influx of Pahade. In 1920, the government initiated organized settlements in Rapti valley and Morang, the aim of which was to build settlements of Pahades in Madhes who were offered free facilities with minimum land tax. It was not successful, and in 1964, a Resettlement Company was established and resettlement programs were initiated based on Israeli model in Nawalparasi and Banke districts. Its main aim was Pahadization of Madhesis and control smuggling and dacoit along the border with India by settling ex-army families. Harald Skar states that Pahadization involves two streams: migrate modern Pahades to Madhes and establish old Pahade property owners politically[7]. A Task Force on Internal and International Migration was formed in 1983 headed by Dr. Harka Gurung, which led to influx of Pahades in Madhes and to Pahadization over Madhesi languages. As a result, in the census 1951, Pahades living in Madhes was mere 6%, whereas after 50 years, in census 2001it grew to 33%. The trend of Madhes movement seems to prioritize the return of the 33% Pahades to hills/mountains. Is this trend just? What affect will it have on the Pahades and how will they react?
Table 1: Central Committee Members of the Mainstream Political Parties in terms of Caste/Ethnicities
Categories
NC
UML
Maoist
NC-D
RPP
Total Population (%)

N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%

Bahun
17
46
36
56
17
46
12
35
4
13
12.7
Chhetri
3
8
6
9
8
22
10
30
13
42
17.3
Newar
3
8
4
6
3
8
2
6
2
7
5.5
Madhesi
4
11
4
6
1
3
3
8
6
19
21
Janajati*
5
13
8
12
5
13
4
12
5
16
31.7
Dalit *
1
3
1
2
1
3
1
3
0
0
12.8
Women
4
11
6
9
2
5
2
6
1
3
101
Total
37

65

37

34

31

50.04
* Pahade and Madhesi both Source: Informal/April and June 2007
In table 1, the number of Bahun and Chhetri, which is 30% in total population, are 54% in NC, 65% in UML and Maoist 68%. Newar, comprising 5.5% in total population is represented as 8% in NC, 6% in UML and 8% in Maoists. Madhesi, 21% of total population is 11% in NC, 6% UML, and 3% Maoist. In a nutshell, Madhesi, Janajatis and Dalits are not proportionately represented in the decision making level of any of the mainstream political parties.
Table 2: Caste/Ethnic Representation in Interim Parliament
Categories
NC
UML
Maoist
NC-D
RPP

N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
N
%
Bahun
39
46
32
39
15
18
13
27
0
0
Chhetri
14
17
13
16
8
10
16
33
3
43
Newar
6
7
6
7
8
10
3
6
1
14
Madhesi
15
17
14
17
21
25
11
23
3
43
Janajati*
10
12
16
19
19
23
5
10
0
0
Dalit *
1
1
2
2
12
15
0
0
0
0
Total
85

83

83

48

7

Women
7
8
14
17
31
37
3
6
1
14









Source: Informal/April and June 2007
In table 2, Bahun and Chhetri comprise 63% in NC, 55% UML and 28% Maoist. Madhesi comprise 17% each in NC and UML, and 25% Maoist. Janajati consist of 12% in NC, 19% in UML and 23% Maoist, whereas Dalit 1% in NC, 2% in UML and 15% in Maoist. Women representation is 8% in NC, 17% in UML and 37% in Maoist. In an overall, Maoist is more close to population sizes. The issue of representation has been a major challenge in Nepal. The representation of Madhesi is very little (12%)[8] in legislative, executive, judiciary, civil service and NGOs, whereas their inclusion in Security Forces is negligible.
In an early May 2007, Tarai Tigers distributed the pamphlet in district headquarters of Bara and Parsa urging Khas including Janajati to leave tarai in one-month period. It stated that those who unwilling to leave their native land tarai during the said period will receive stern action by them. The highlights of the pamphlet are:
§ Pahades having grains of Madhes returned to their old habitat;
§ Pahade civil servants working in Madhes transferred to hills/mountains;
§ Pahade leaders go to hills/mountains for political activities and candidacy from Madhes shall not take;
§ Warn the police and administration not to mistreat the Madhesis, otherwise will face untimely death like the training officer of district education office;
§ Advocate Krishna Kafle sold his property in Madhes and fled to hills, others are preparing to sell and flee and all should do the same;
§ The Pahade Private School owners cheating Madhesis leave Madhes, you taught us a lot, but we do not need your education;
§ We are concerned of Madhesi children's lives, we will not be responsible if anything happens;
§ Tarai is ours, lands and grains are ours, so why we need Pahade rulers?
§ Why Pahade officers in Madhes?
§ There are 20 boarding schools in Bara of which five are run by Pahade, why there are no Pahade students in Madhesi run boarding schools?
§ Why the Municipality Mayors and MPs of Madhes are Pahades?
§ If Madhesis do not become aware on time, we will not be free from Pahade oppression, and our future generations will blame us for that.
JTMM­–Goit killed Basu Dev Poudel, training officer of district education office, on charges of economic, cultural and political exploitation. It also demands Pahades to leave Madhes and called on May 25, 2007 all Pahade civil servants and security forces to leave Madhes with seven-day ultimatum.Altogether, different Madhesi groups have killed seven Pahade civil servants (from Engineer to Junior Technical Assistant) and countless have been abducted and tortured, along with extortions.
Fission and fusion amongst the Madhesi groups are frequent. The Sunsari in-charge of JTMM-Jwala Singh differing from its criminalization of politics left with 600 activists and joined JTMM-Goit, whereas Bisfot Singh broke away with eight other commanders from Goit faction and formed his own group and claims to have a company numbering 150 militants. He alleged that the Goit faction is engrossed in self-interest and an agent of Pahade in the name of liberation of Madhesi. Jaya Prakash Prasad Gupta, former NC leader and ex-minister, commented on MJF that it is not able to liberate Madhes due to the structure of the organization and serious drawbacks. Bijay Singh, former Central Vice-President, said that Upendra Yadav has deceived greatly the Madhesis, which is unforgivable. The Madhesi Student Front (MJF wing) President Keshab Jha said that they had formally dismantled their ties with MJF after the second Madhes Movement. Many Madhesis who do not believe with violence said that some leaders in the name of Madhesi are trying to grab an opportunity to popularize them.
In fact, the MJF have tried to create an impression of broader participation in the movement including Dalits, Janjatis, ethnicities, but in reality is completely different. None of Pahade living withTarai communities have participated in this movement due to their slogans of Madhes and Madhesis. Maithili communities such as Jha, Mishra, who are considered aborigino of the central tarai are spoken 13% of the population[9]. On the other hand, Tharus, Rajbhansis, Dhimals, Jhagars have not shown any interest to participate in this movement. In fact, Tharu community comprising 6.8% of the total population has informed publicly through press release, as it does not consider itself Madhesi community. None of the Tarai-based Dalit communities such as Mushar, Dom, Chamar, Harijan etc have found reasonable existence within armed and non-armed groups including MJF. The central committee members of the MJF belong to Yadav, Mahato, Mehta, Gupta, Kamath, Sah, and Das communities.
2. Resource theory
Madhes is known as the food-bowl of the country. Most of Industries locate here. There have been many debates and discussions based on resources originating from Madhes. Huge amount from the treasury has been spent for infrastructures of Madhes. The East-West Highway, Customs points, Dry Ports, Telecommunication, Education facilities, Hospitals, Irrigation canals, domestic airports etc. are in tarai. A large part of revenue is generated from Madhes. If there is problem in Madhes, the rest 77% hills/mountains, including Kathmandu, will be 'double landlocked'.
In June the Madhesi Tigers also reportedly distributed letters to Businessmen, civil servants and Medical Officers demanding amount varying from 100,000-500,000 Nepali Rupees and threatening those who failed to give the money with abduction and death. In middle of June, TJMM (Jwala Singh) issued letters to several I/NGOs in Eastern Region's Sunsari District, demanding varying amounts. The letters were reportedly followed by death threats to individual I/NGO workers who failed to comply with the demands. Many targeted of them are leave to Kathmandu, India and other safer place or some are made underground.
The major problem faced by Madhes is citizenship. The Citizenship Act 1964 and The Constitution of 1990 had played double standard role. According to which, people including Madhesi, had to offer land ownership deed. Birth certificate was not issued without the citizenship certificate of parents. Similarly, citizenship certificate was a must to get passport. But, land ownership could be obtained only with citizenship, which is a stringent criteria based on descendence. In the report of the 1994, the government accepted that 3.5 million people were deprived of citizenship certificates. But, after formation of the Interim Government, citizenship certificates were distributed at VDCs, which reduced the number. The major demand of Madhesi Movement is more or less fulfilled. The Interim Constitution has been revised twice within six months in order to address the issues raised by Madhesis. Pahades including few Madhesi elite have controlled all resources of the entire areas of the Madhes in general marginalize the Madhesi. Therefore, the armed and unarmed Madhesi movement is guided due to the huge discrepancy between rich and poor and exclusion of state including mainstream political parties policies their treatment of second class citizen to them.
3. Sanctuary
There has been a wide concern that most of the non-armed and armed groups are taking shelter in India and Indians are supporting the MJF. People are raising a lot of question of double standard, but it is obvious that all political parties such as NC, UML and other communist factions in the history of Nepal including the king Tribhuwan had used India as the shelters. When the Maoists started the People's War with many critics of India in their 40-point demands of nationality[10], they again chose India as a protective ground of shelter for their leadership. The 12-point understandings was also signed in New Delhi on the witness of India in between the seven party alliance (SPA) and the Maoists (SPAM) to toppling the Royal authoritarian regime at the end of 2005. Similarly, India is also providing protection and shelter to MJF and other armed d groups sometimes by people and sometimes by government level. Moreover, they have sympathy with them as they belong to similar socio-cultural patterns and behaviors. The recent visit in India of the president of the MJF, Upendra Yadav, and meting with the establishment forces in Delhi is not at all a new phenomenon in Nepal. Till date it has observed that all political roads of Nepal end in Delhi. However, the politicians are the champions to rebuke a lot to Indian government and politics in front of people to hide the fact of their closeness with India. It is to be sure that sometime they take shelter in government levels and sometime in regional government and people in general. Before Delhi agreement, the Maoists had been taking shelter in India with the cooperation of people and regional government.
Ragnunath Thakur of the Madhesi Janakrantikari Dal in 1960s went to India in the course to receive support and popularize their Madhesi movement from Indian government. He finally met the then President, Dr. Sharba Palli Radhakrishnan including Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and so forth[11]. He used to burn petrol on his forehead in front of Indian parliament. When asked what he was doing, Thakur replied, “Justice is lost or vanished from India and Nepal. I am in search of it with the help of petromax in the broad daylight”. While struggling for Madhesis, he died on June 21, 1981 with rulers’ conspiracy[12].
In the course of the Movement launched by Janadhikar Forum since 2007, Indian Political and Social groups have had opened shelters for displaced people in Jogbani, Raksaul, and Sitamadi (Indian towns bordering Biratnagar, Birgunj and Sarlahi). Wounded militants were also found to be treated there. Member of Parliament and of members of Legislative Assemblies participated in protest rallies on suppression of the Movement. Indians supported the Madhesi movement with money and muscle.
4. Challenge theory
After Democratic Movement in 1950s, Nepal Tarai Congress (NTC) proposed for Regional Autonomy. The NTC led by Bedananda Jha raised issues relating to recognition of Hindi as State language language, autonomous Tarai State, entry of Madhesis in Nepal's civil service, etc. But, Nepali was the medium of instruction in schools in Madhes. The Tarai Congress launched Save Hindi campaign, in which NC, Communist Party of Nepal, Rastriya Praja Parishad also supported the campaign. Violent clashes occurred between cadres of Save Hindi campaign and Nepali Pracharini Sabha (Nepali Campaign). In the First General Elections in 1959, NTC offered candidates to 21 constituencies and all were defeated, which led to collapse of the campaign. The then PM Bisheswar Prasad Koirala, who spent most of his time in Patna and Baneras (India), had said that the Movement for Hindi was appropriate. However, he forgot upon arriving at Kathmandu possibly seeing it as a threat for future. Until 1958, not only Indians but also Madhesis required getting permit to enter Kathmandu valley at Birgunj and they were checked at Chisapanigarhi, whereas Pahades did not require it. After Mahendra's coup, Nepali was recognized as national language.
After the first Popular Movement in 1950s, there were many movements for Madhes but the government was successful in suppressing those. Raghunath Thakur established Madhesi Liberation Movement, the demands were similar to Bedananda Jha, including appointment in security forces, bureaucracy and land ownership rights. Later, Ramji Mishra, Satyadev Mani Tripathi, Raghunath Ray Yadav and so on founded Madhesi People's Revolutionary Front in 1960s and initiated guerrilla warfare. In June 1963, Ramji was shot dead by police and in August 1967, Raghunath Ray Yadav was killed by military. Satyadev Mani Tripathi, the Chairperson, was also killed in August 1969 at Nautanawa, bordering India. Dr. Rabindra Thakur, who raised the question of Madhes during Panchayat regime, was murdered. After the Janandolan I in 1990, democracy was established in the country but Deb Narayan Yadav was also killed. Suraj Mahato, who was known as red star of Tarai, was also killed. In this way, the Pahadi government has killed the Madhesi fighters. The wondering part was that no media gave priority to this.
In 1983, Gajendra Narayan Singh established a Nepal Sadbhvana Council, which later changed into a political party in the name of Nepal Sadbhvana Party. It proposed: federal government structure, recognition of Hindi as major language for Tarai, reservation, and Madhesi battalion in the Nepal Army. But, rather than focused the voices and demands of Madhes, they prioritized power and politics. As the result, the desires of Madhes were neglected all the ways.
On June 23, MJF cadres reportedly damaged the CPN (Maoist) office in Parasi, Nawalparasi District. The incident took place after MJF had declared a bandh on June 22, during which some of its supporters smashed vehicles escorted by the police which were challenging the bandh. After the police arrested 11 persons in relation to the attack on the vehicles, the MJF demonstrated in Parasi to demand the release of the arrested members. On June 14, following the shooting of and serious injury to a VDC Secretary by TJMM (Jwala Singh), all the 49 VDC Secretaries of Sunsari District protested from June 14 to 25 demanding security security. On June 25, the protesting VDC Secretaries agreed to restart services only in the villages where the police posts were established. After the death of the Ram Hari Pokhrel, VDC Secretary of the Govindapur, Siraha three week ago and subsequently nation-wide protest done by VDC secretaries for a long time, the agreement reached between the government and association to work living in district headquarters if they fill insecure in the concerned VDC office. Thus, people do not deprive from the services of the VDCs, but also from local representatives again.
Chief of Tarai Cobra, Rajeswor Prasad Singh (Nagraja) got his both hand mutilated while preparing bombs. Police rescued and treated him at Nepal Medical College, Teaching Hospital, Jorpati, Kathmandu in a fake name. Mahanta Thakur, Science and Technology Minister (NC), Rajendra Mahato, Minister of Industry and Supplies (NSP), ex-minister Rameswar Ray Yadav (NSP) and NC MP Amaresh Kumar Singh visited him at the hospital. Similarly, the persons related an dclsoe to them are continually visiting him. The government also has not issued authoritative information of his arrest. Is this is not a game to save him? People are wondering if such people are behind the curtains of such groups in Madhes.
5. Conspiracy theory
There have been evidences of suspicious characters playing dubious roles in agitating the Madhes Movement. In the early February 2007, the arson to NC office in Sunsari was disclaimed by MJF, as it was campaigning then. Similarly, in Gaur incident, 30 Maoist cadres were killed in clashes between MJF and Maoists. Prabhu Sah, General Secretary of the Madhesi Rastriya Mukti Morcha (sister organization of Maoists) in a press release regarding the incident stated that Indian criminals were hired by MJF. The Medics and Police estimate that nine were burned alive to death and four women were raped prior to burning alive. All the Maoist cadres were of Pahade origin. Maoists blame MJF for the massacre, whereas MJF again alleged that it was the work of JTMM-Jwala Singh. Are not these plotted conspiracies? In the Lahan clash between MJF and Maoists, the security forces state that Indian professional criminals were seen with modern weapons. The UNOHCHR points to the local administration for the incidents. Some academics and conscious people indicate that the king is fishing in troubled waters by infiltrating violence in Madhes Movement.
On May 11, 2007, all the groups waging armed and unarmed movement in Madhes for "common slogan, common front and common leadership" organized a secret program at Patna, India. Ram Raja Prasad Singh was invited as the Chief Guest. The meeting proposed the following main agendas:
§ To protect Tarai, the motherland of Madhesis, identify throughout the globe as a separate country with facts and figures;
§ Advancement to liberate Tarai by preparing a 10-year plan uniting all the Madhesi forces;
§ Acquire foreign support from UN, China, Pakistan, US and especially India is pertinent for liberation of Madhes and build cordial relationship with them
§ To build cordial relation with Indian Embassy at Kathmandu for advancing the war in Tarai;
§ Understanding of aims and objectives of the different Madhesi groups fighting in Tarai
§ Develop strategy on common problem identification, common concept, common demand, common consensus and common tactics;
§ Establish Common National Madhesi Morcha or Sajha Tarai Mukti Morcha offices in each district to carry out political and administrative functions;
§ To make the media – press and radio – to realize their rights and duties to succeed Madhes Movement; and
§ Change the strategy from Tarai Bandh (strike) to Kathmandu Bandh;
Jwala Singh proposed Ram Raja Prasad Singh to lead all the Madhesi groups, but he declined and said that he is completely not in favor to Madhes as a separate state. He further said that secession of Madhes is not only wrong but is also not possible.
Most of the Indian politicians, civil servants, bureaucrats, diplomats, security force personnel, etc. conceive Nepal not as a foreign country and many say that it would take time for Madhesi people to get Madhes recognized as an independent state. A police officer in Lukhnow (India) said 'We are all one, Nepalese are our people.' Most of Indian politicians say that Nepal's politics should follow Indian model: possibly republican, most likely secular. Some politicians and bureaucrats supporting the Madhesi movement say that they know what Madhesis are going through in Nepal, because they had experienced the same treatment when they visited Nepal. An Indian former bureaucrat commented that China and the UN could not do anything without India and added that when we go ahead they cannot stop us. He further said that the UN was helping their cause right now and they need not worry. A Bihari (India) bureaucrat said that Madhesis are their own people (Indian origin) who settled in Nepal[13].
6. Ideology
As a few factions are fission from the CPN (Maoist), they have adopted the same ideology. However, great majority of the armed Madhesi groups are neither having ideology nor political means (objective) nor vision along with destination. The MJF, JTMM factions and others in Madhes Movement are not accepting the existence of one another and even furiously fighting amongst themselves. The fighting groups have no common aims, objectives and strategies Therefore; this movement seems not against Khas chauvinism rather showing off power to others who are similar. There is a lack of a regional/rational leadership. Even a small group seems to be huge when its members carry guns and bombs. The armed and unarmed movement categories into:
§ Type I: Those involved in Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideology, seem to fight for class struggle, political economy and for scientific socialism. They seem to fight for class-interest, protection and liberation.
§ Type II: The splitters dissatisfied from Maoist class, region and culture; which are struggling to wipe out the Maoists from Madhes and extend control according their interests.
§ Type III: The forces that are against the CA elections fearing to loose are manipulating the whims of Madhesi people.
§ Type IV: The Indo-Nepal Hindu fundamentalists in cooperation with monarchy want to re-establish monarchy trying to fail the liberal democratic system.
§ Type V: The criminal forces that are capitalizing the unstable situation to fish in troubled waters for power, property and prestige, that is expanding the ranks of professional criminals.
All the forces wishing the decline of the communist ideology and organization are trying their best by providing overt or covert support the above-mentioned groups in order to create violence and disorder.
Conclusion
Some demands raised by them are genuine and some are quite unreasonable and illogical particularly on the issue of right to self-determination. Autonomy is today's high-sounding word to all but self-determination provides an autonomous geographical region as both a legal and political right on the course to segregate and declare itself as an independent state if it desires to do so. Geographically Madhes has plain and fertile land in terms of country's economy with maximum infrastructures concentrated in that area. In other words, the resources of the entire nation are in Tarai. If it separated, the rest of hill/mountain Nepal will be landlocked by double means: first by India and then by independent Tarai. If Madhes segregated, what about the demands of Kirant, Magarat, Tamuwan, Tharuwan, etc. and their economic activities as they are demanding for right to self-determination too.
Many Khas believed that Madhesi refers less or no Nepali inhabitants as the Parbatiya, which is known as Pahade, has always dominated to Madhesis. On the other, the Nepali culture is more inclined to Indian than Chinese/Tibetan is for instance Irish vs. English, Portugese vs. Spanish, and Ukrainian vs. Romanian. Indeed, the people migrating west Eurasia via Iranian plateau settled in Sindh-Ganges plains and some settled in the hills and mountains south of the Himalayas, both Indo-Aryans. Those settling in the former became Madhesi and those in the latter Khas/Pahade. There is no discrimination in the originality of both, but grew as there developed differences in topography, political, economic and cultural spheres.
The government has initiated and is continuing dialogue with some Madhesi and other groups. The Minister for Peace and Restructuration Ram Chandra Poudel is leading the government team, who himself is a Khas and his some influencial members consists of Khas too. The talks has not even taken the speed equal to a tortoise. The members in the talks team have no idea of the gravity of conflict nor able to analyze root causes and pros and cons. The more significant issue is that they lack proactiveness which is a prime tool of dialogue. There is no facilitator too. Poudel's role is significant, but devoid of qualities required for dialogue: commitment, sincerity, dedication, and capacity. He has not been able to break the chain of the feudo-elite circle. There is no much hope from this dialogue; except cosmetic change as a lollipop.
The talks is leading to a dead end; what has to be done? First of all, the proposals put forward by Maoists proportional electoral system and republican Nepal proclaimed prior to CA elections could solve the problem. Nevertheless, in the present circumstances there is no possibility for SPAM to proclaim such. Maoists could play a vital role to solve the present conflict utilizing their resources as a window opportunity. For that, Matrika Prasad Yadav (Maoist) should lead the team to talk with MJF. Secondly, if alliance is developed between these two, Upendra Yadav (MJF) could be an instrumental to talk with Goit, and other groups. If they could do alliance with NC to whom they fought for 10 years with 15,000 killings and damage of billions of properties, why not with MJF? The desire of the entire Nepali people today is the politics of fusion rather than fission and wants the new forces in the government rather than repeating the same feudo-elites. If these could happen, Indian government could support these forces including Maoist. Since, the attachment and concern of the Indian government over the Madhes Movement is more than other political parties in Nepal. Otherwise, imagination of CA would be an utopia because of security reasons. Ban Ki-Moon in his report on Nepal submitted to the Security Council on July 24, 20074, said, "The security situation in the Tarai has remained extremely disturbed and efforts to improve law and order have been halting at best."

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Contributed by Bishnu Pathak, PhD and Chitra Niraula
Assisted by Sabitra Pant, Shankar Poudyal and prem
[1] Pathak, Bishnu. 2006. Politics of People's War and Human Rights in Nepal. Kathmandu: Bimipa Publication. p.303
[2] Basnet, Lalit Bahadur. October 16, 2005. Restructuring State based on Caste/Ethnicity. In Kantipur. Kathmandu: Kantipur Publication
[3] Rai, Dhan Bahadur. October 27, 2006. Question on Indigenous List. In Kantipur. Kathmandu: Kantipur Publication.
[4] Pathak, Bishnu. 2006. Intra-Dalit Discrimination: Status of Tarai Dalits. Lancau. Nepal. Kathmandu
[5] Presently, the Madhesis are facing the problems of unity in Madhesi communities with high prevalence of untouchability; Nepali as national language; a Madhesi is considered as an Indian unless evidence of his citizenship is obtained; child marriage with high prevalence of dowry; gross domestic and structural gender based violence; huge discrepancy between rich and academia but the vast majority is poor and illiterate; exclusion, non participation, and so forth.
[6] Regmi, Mahesh Chandra. 1971. A Study in Nepali Economic History 1768-1867. New Delhi: Manjusri publishing House.
[7] The Myths of Origin the Janajati Movement, Local Traditions, Nationalism and Identities in Nepal. 1995. Contribution to Nepalese Studies. p. 31.
[8] Nepal's Troubled Tarai Region. International Crisis Group. July 2007.
[9] Bhojpuri by about 8% as mother language whereas Hindi is spoken merely by 0.47% (as mother tongue) as Census 2001 stated.
[10] Such as abrogate Nepal India Treaty 1950 and all other unequal agreements including Integrated Mahakali Treaty (IMT); regulate the open border between Nepal and India and prohibit entry of Indian number-plate vehicles; abrogate Gorkha recruitment; implement work permit and set up priority to Nepali workers; abolish monopoly[10] of foreign capital in Nepali economy; implement self-reliant national economy; and ban objectionable foreign media and control cultural pollution. Stop imperialist/hegemonic[10] encroachment through NGOs and INGOs.
[11] Acting Prime Minister Guljari lal Nanda , Prime Minister Morariji Desai, Agriculture Minister Jagjiban Ram , Home Minister Y.B. Chauhan, Industrial Development Minister Farukhdeen Ali Ahmed, Communication and Parliament Minister Ram Sughav Singh , Minerals and Mines Minister Channa Reddy, Transportation Minister Dr. B.K.R.B. Rao, Rail Minister C.N.Punatha, Law Minister Govinda Menon, Aviation Minister Dr. Karna Singh, Trade Minister Dinesh Singh, Information Minister K.K. Shah , Education Minister Dr. Trigul Sen, Planning Minister Ashok Mehata, Labour and resettlement minister Jai Sukhalal Hathi and other leaders like Dr.Ram Manohar Lohiya, Acharya J.B.Kripalani, MP Mrs. Sucheta Kripalani, Raghunath Thakur also meet with different newspapers editors, ambassadors and Chief Minister of Bihar Pandit Binodananda Jha, CM K.B. Shahaya and distributed his book about Madhesi people ((Goit, J.K.:http://madhesi.wordpress.com/2007/04/04/history-of-tarai-in-nepal).)
[12] Ibid
[13] Nepal's Troubled Tarai Region. Op. cit. pp.22-24